The Roots of Protest

The post-2008 political landscape in Europe has been littered with public discontent and protest. In Spain and Greece this has manifested itself in revolt against the European establishment and a refusal to be bound by the financial practices of the past. In England, immigration has raced to the forefront of the political agenda, while in Scotland and Catalunya nationalism has come to the fore in a way that would have been unimaginable only a few years ago. In France the National Front has eroded support for the rightwing UMP while simultaneously appealing to much of the working class. Even Germany has not been immune to an element of political unrest.

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Although the principles underlying these movements may differ greatly, it would be foolish not to wonder if there is a common denominator running through European protest. If history has taught us anything it is that the lines separating socialist uprisings from fascist popularity are not as clear as we may like to think. Political movements often thrive on the charisma of their leaders and their ability to build a narrative that chimes with the misery or discontent of the public. In Germany’s broken socioeconomic structure of the 1920’s it could easily have been the communists who came to power on a wave of popular support instead of the National Socialists. But the Nazis were more adept at political maneuvering and public manipulation. One of the many lessons available from this episode however is that most individuals are not remotely concerned with political ideology. Instead they back parties that offer the best guarantee of personal and collective security. This security can and does take many shapes, but it is the desire to protect one’s self and one’s security that is at the core of electoral and public decision-making. But electoral decisions are also often made with rejection in mind – rejection of the incumbent political force and policies. Under these circumstances, a clear and workable alternative vision matters less, since the public desire to oust those who have led them into darker times will often be sufficient to create political change. This is the predominant theme in modern politics and since voters are often hard pressed to identify the core differences between candidates, a vote for one is largely just a rejection of the other.

But the current wave of demonstrations across Europe is about something greater than electoral choice, it represents a rejection of modern politics. The SNP, UKIP and the Catalan nationalists may promote very different ideals but all try to tap into the disenchantment of voters in the face of globalised, neoliberal politics administered from a distant centre of power. All seek to recapture a real or imaginary notion of local identity from the clutches of external bureaucratic institutions. All offer a vision of the future which appeals to those who want a greater say in shaping their local culture and society. As citizens feel increasingly distant from the centre of power they strive to have a greater say in organising their communities in a way which is consistent with their own beliefs and identity rather than those of policymakers in London, Madrid or Brussels.

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Where is Portugal’s radical left?

Why has Portugal's leftwing failed to garner the popular support of its counterparts in Greece and Spain?
Why has Portugal’s leftwing failed to garner the popular support of its counterparts in Greece and Spain?

It has been a tumultuous couple of weeks in European politics. From a socialist perspective these are encouraging times and the victory of Syriza in Greece, along with the quarter of a million people marching for change with Podemos in Spain, have shown that there is a real possibility of political change on the horizon. But as always in politics things are far from certain and these popular leftwing movements need to defend themselves from attacks from both inside and outside their own countries. It is already clear that the leaders of these parties recognise the importance of solidarity and support for each other, with Pablo Iglesias’ pre-election appearance in Athens being a notable example. But it is not evident yet how pan-European this revival of the radical left is. At some point in the future I plan to write down a few thoughts on why radical (or in some cases revolutionary) spirit can catch on in one country but not another. In other words, what are the forces containing or spreading this political awakening of the people? But in the meantime, I thought I’d take a quick look at Spain’s neighbour on the Iberian Peninsula to consider why the left has failed to capture the public imagination in Portugal in the same way that Podemos has in Spain.

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The Inner Class Divide (Part 3)

To round things off after Part 2 yesterday, here is the third and final part of this essay looking at our internal class conflict and its implications for radical left-wing political alternatives in Europe and beyond…

The Inner Class Divide

That we as individuals are subject to various stimuli contributing to development is nothing new. Much has been written on child development and much of this can extend also into adult life in terms of continuous learning and development. Where things have changed in recent years is in the increased intensity and aggression of stimuli relating to late stage capitalism. On the one hand we possess a social brain, allowing us to feel empathy and make emotional connections, and a character forged through a myriad of social connections and interactions. Many of us experience a fundamental need to share our lives with friends, family and community. But on the other hand, we are bombarded with advertising signals and media messages telling us that consumption is the ultimate goal and that this must be driven by aggressive, competitive activity in the market place. Much of what we experience through advertising relates to consumption or the adoption of an idealised version of self to which we should aspire. We are told that that we can have everything as long as we consume. In a ‘post-religious’ world it is salvation through consumption. Our participation in society can be bought instead of fostered through genuine social interaction.

But we are the recipients of contradictory messages. Identity formation through the solitary pursuit of commodities in order to satisfy a conditioned super ego is at odds with our more basic needs as social animals. Capitalism relies on competition whereas our early development engenders the value of cooperation. The (cultural) super ego tells us that to succeed at life we need to compete in the market place, earn money as efficiently as possible, and construct our idealised identities. But our innate characteristics and our basic human needs show us the importance of people over the market. This is class warfare in every sense, with the mind being the battleground. Many individuals therefore experience a subconscious, inner class tension, with a consuming, competitive, aspirational self striving to keep up in the market, and a social self yearning for cooperation and interaction. This ideological battle is internalised and fought daily in a way that has far greater implications than the debate in the political arena.

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Can Podemos Win in Spain? (an article from the Nation)

This Saturday thousands of supporters of Spain’s Podemos party will meet in Madrid to participate in a ‘March of Change’. I will be joining them and I will try to share some thoughts here  afterwards on the experience and the mood among the people.

In the meantime, although I don’t intend to do much reposting of other people’s work on this blog, I thought it would be interesting to share the article below. There clearly is a discussion emerging about whether Podemos is beginning to compromise on some of its original principles. However, the success that they have had in creating the citizen ‘circles’ and offering genuine citizen participation in shaping the political debate means that this party will live or die by its accountability in front of the people. If this is really a new era of politics in Spain then the working class and the electorate will hold them to their word. How much of this is possible still remains to be seen but it will be very interesting to see on Saturday how things are shaping up.

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Language and the Left

One of the things I’ll be pondering on this site will be resurgence of the political Left across Europe. With the demise of the traditional political ideology of the Labour party, I’ve found myself wondering whether Left Unity can tap into the strong anti-austerity sentiments in the UK and finally offer voters the chance of socially driven change. With this in mind I will start this blog off with an article that I originally wrote for the Left Unity website …

Language and the Left

“When I give food to the poor they call me a saint. When I ask why the poor have no food they call me a Communist.”
Helder Câmara, former Archbishop of Olinda and Recife, Brazil

In today’s world of 24 hour media and internet access we are bombarded with information. Little of this is neutral in terms of value judgements. A war is therefore constantly waged in order to win our support or our patronage for products and ideas. Politics has become increasingly depoliticised and commoditised. With the arrival of Tony Blair’s ‘third way’ into British politics, the centre ground underwent a dramatic shift to the right with the result that the electorate finds it hard to distinguish between candidates from the leading parties. When Francis Fukuyama pronounced the ‘end of history’ at the close of the cold war, he was implying the death of political choice as much as the end of an ideological war.

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